GUJARATI and Rajasthani, the names of two members of the western sub-group of the Intermediate Group of IndoAryan languages (q.v.). The remaining member of this sub-group is Panjabi or Punjabi (see Hindostani). In 1901 the speakers of those now dealt with numbered: Gujarati, 9,439,9 2 5, and Rajasthani, 10,917 ,7 12. The two languages are closely connected and might almost be termed co-dialects of the same form of speech. Together they occupy an almost square block of country, some 400 m. broad, reaching from near Agra and Delhi on the river Jumna to the Arabian Sea. Gujarati (properly Gujarati) is spoken in Gujarat, the northern maritime province of the Bombay Presidency, and also in Baroda and the native states adjoining. Rajasthani (properly Rajasthani, from "Rajasthan," the native name for Rajputana) is spoken in Rajputana and the adjoining parts of Central India.
In the articles Indo-Aryan Languages and Prakrit the history of the earlier stages of the Indo-Aryan vernaculars is given at some length. It is there shown that, from the most ancient times, there were two main groups of these forms of speech - one, the language of the Midland, spoken in the country near the Gangetic Doab, and the other, the so-called "Outer Band," containing the Midland on three sides, west, north and south. The country to the west and south-west of the Midland, in which this outer group of languages was spoken, included the modern Punjab, Rajputana and Gujarat. In process of time the population of the Midland expanded and carried its language to its new homes. It occupied the eastern and central Punjab, and the mixed (or "intermediate") language which there grew up became the modern Panjabi. To the west it spread into Rajputana, till its progress was stopped by the Indian desert, and in Rajputana another intermediate language took rise and became Rajasthani. As elsewhere explained, the language-wave of the Midland exercised less and less influence as it travelled farther from its home, so that, while in eastern Rajputana the local dialect is now almost a pure midland speech, in the west there are many evident traces of the old outer language still surviving. To the south-west of Rajputana there was no desert to stop the wave of Midland expansion, which therefore rolled on unobstructed into Gujarat, where it reached the sea. Here the survivals of the old outer language are stronger still. The old outer Prakrit of north Gujarat was known as "Saurastri," while the Prakrit of the Midland invaders was called "Sauraseni," and we may therefore describe Gujarati as being an intermediate language derived (as explained in the articles Prakrit) from a mixture of the Apabhramsa forms of Saurastri and Sauraseni, in which the latter predominated.
It will be observed that, at the present day, Gujarati breaks the continuity of the outer band of Indo-Aryan languages. To its north it has Sindhi and to its south Marathi, both outer languages with which it has only a slight connexion. On the other hand, on the east and north-east it has Rajasthani, into which it merges so gradually and imperceptibly that at the conventional border-line, in the state of Palanpur, the inhabitants of Rajputana say that the local dialect is a form of Gujarati, while the inhabitants of Gujarat say that it is Rajasthani.
Gujarati has no important local dialects, but there is considerable variation in the speeches of different classes of the corn. munity. Parsees and Mussulmans (when the latter Language use the language - as a rule the Gujarat Mussulmans speak Hindostani) have some striking peculiarities of pronunciation, the most noticeable of which is the disregard by the latter of the distinction between cerebral and dental letters. The uneducated Hindus do not pronounce the language in the same way as their betters, and this difference is accentuated in northern Gujarat, where the lower classes substitute e for i, c for k, ch for kh, s for c and ch, h for s, and drop h as readily as any cockney. There is also (as in the case of the Mussulmans) a tendency to confuse cerebral and dental consonants. to substitute r for and 1, to double medial consonants, and to pronounce the letter a as a, something like the a in "all." The Bhils of the hills east of Gujarat also speak a rude Gujarati, with special dialectic peculiarities of their own, probably due to the fact that the tribes are of Dravidian origin. These Bhil peculiarities are further mixed with corruptions of Marathi idioms in Nimar and Khandesh, where we have almost a new language.
Rajasthani has numerous dialects, each state claiming one or more of its own. Thus, in the state of Jaipur there have been catalogued no less than ten dialects among about 1,688,000 people. All Rajasthani dialects can, however, be easily classed in four well-defined groups, a north-eastern, a southern, a western and an east-central. The north-eastern (Mewati) is that form of Rajasthani which is merging into the Western Hindi of the Midland. It is a mixed form of speech, and need not detain us further. Similarly, the southern (Malvi) is much mixed with the neighbouring Bundeli form of Western Hindi. The western (Marwari) spoken in Marwar and its neighbourhood, and the east-central (Jaipur') spoken in Jaipur and its neighbourhood, may be taken as the typical Rajasthani dialects. In the following paragraphs we shall therefore confine ourselves to Gujarati, Marwari and Jaipuri.
We know more about the ancient history of Gujarati than we do about that of any other Indo-Aryan language. The one native grammar of Apabhramsa Prakrit which we possess in a printed edition, was written by Hemacandra (iath century A.D.), who lived in what is now north Gujarat, and who naturally described most fully the particular vernacular with which he was personally familiar. It was known as the Nagara Apabhramsa, closely connected (as above explained) with Sauraseni, and was so named after the Nagara Brahmans of the locality. These men carried on the tradition of learning inherited from Hemacandra, and we see Gujarati almost in the act of taking birth in a work called the Mugdhavabodhamauktika, written by one of them only two hundred years after his death. Formal Gujarati literature is said to commence with the poet Narsingh Mad in the 15th century. Rajasthani literature has received but small attention from European or native scholars, and we are as yet unable to say how far back the language goes.
Both Gujarati and Rajasthani are usually written in current scripts related to the well-known Nagari alphabet (see Sanskrit). The form employed in Rajputana is known all over northern India as the "Mahajani" alphabet, being used by bankers or Mahajans, most of whom are Marwaris. It is noteworthy as possessing two distinct characters for d and r. The Gujarati character closely resembles the Kaithi character of northern India (see Bihari). The Nagari character is also freely used in Rajputana, and to a less extent in Gujarat, where it is employed by the Nagara Brahmans, who claim that their tribe has given the alphabet its name.
In the following description of the main features of our two languages, the reader is presumed to be familiar with the leading facts stated in the articles Indo-Aryan Languages and Prakrit. The article Hindostani may also be perused with advantage.
(Abbreviations. Skr. =Sanskrit. Pr. =Prakrit. Ap. = Apabh - rarnsa. G. =Gujarati. R. = Rajasthani. H. = Hind(istani.) Vocabulary. - The vocabulary of both Gujarat and Rajasthani is very free from tatsama words. The great mass of both vocabularies is tadbhava (see Indo-Aryan Languages). Rajputana was from an early period brought into close contact with the Mogul court at Agra and Delhi, and even in the 13th century A.D. official documents of the Rajput princes contained many borrowed Persian and Arabic words. Gujarati, under the influence of the learned Nagara Brahmans, has perhaps more tatsama words than Rajasthani, but their employment is not excessive. On the other hand, Parsees and Mussulmans employ Persian and Arabic words with great freedom; while, owing to its maritime connexions, the language has also borrowed occasional words from other parts of Asia and from Europe. This is specially marked in the strange dialect of the Kathiawar boatmen who travel all over the world as lascars on the great steamships. Their language is a mixture of Hindostani and Gujarati with a heterogeneous vocabulary.
With a few exceptions to be mentioned below, the sound-system of the two languages is the same as that of Sanskrit, and is represented in the same manner in the Roman character (see Sanskrit). The simplest method for considering the subject in regard to Gujarati is to compare it with the phonetical system of Hindostani (q.v.). As a rule, Rajasthani closely follows Gujarati and need not be referred to except in special cases. G. invariably simplifies a medial Pr. double consonant, lengthening the preceding vowel in compensation. Thus Skr. mraksanam, Ap. makkhanu, H. makkhan, but G. makhan, butter. In H. this rule is generally observed, but in G. it is universal, while, on the other hand, in Panjabi the double consonant is never simplified, but is retained as in Ap. In G. (and sometimes in R.) when a is followed by h it is changed to e, as in H. shahr, G. Selzer, a city. As in other outer languages H. ai and au are usually represented by a short e and by å (sounded like the a in "all") respectively. Thus H. baitha, G. bet/id, seated; H. cautha, G. catho (written cotho), fourth. In R. this' e is often further weakened to the sound of a in "man," a change which is also common in Bengali. Many words which have i in H. have a in G. and R., thus, H. likhe, G. lakhe, he writes; H. din, G. and R. dan, a day. Similarly we have a for u, as in H. turn, G., R. tame, you. In colloquial G. a often becomes a, and i' becomes e; thus, pdni for pani, water; mares for maris, I shall strike. As in most Indo-Aryan vernaculars an a after an accented syllable is very lightly pronounced, and is here represented by a small a above the line.
The Vedic cerebral l and the cerebral n are very common as medial letters in both G. and R. (both being unknown to literary H.) The rule is, as elsewhere in western and southern intermediate and outer languages, that when n and l represent a double nn (or nn) or a double ll in Pr. they are dental, but when they represent single medial letters they are cerebralized. Thus Ap. sonnart, G. sond, gold; Ap. ghanaa, G. ghand, dense; Ap. callai, G. cale, he goes; Ap. calai, G. cam, he moves. In northern G. and in some caste dialects dental and cerebral letters are absolutely interchangeable, as in Ok a da or dahado, a day; to or td, thou; didho or didho, given. In G. and R. medial d is pronounced as a rough cerebral r, and is then so transcribed. We have seen that in the Marwari alphabet there are actually distinct letters for these two sounds. In colloquial G. c and ch are yronounced s, especially in the north, as in pas for pac, five; pusyo for puchyo, he asked. Similarly, in the north, j and jh become z, as in zad for jhad, a tree. In some localities (as in Marathi) we have is and dz for these sounds, as in Tsarotar (name of a tract of country) for Carotar. On the other hand, k, kh and g, especially when preceded or followed by i, e or y, become in the north c, ch and j respectively; thus, dik a ro for dik a ro, a son; chetar for khetar, a field; lajyo for lagyo, begun. A similar change is found in dialectic Marathi, and is, of course, one of the commonplaces of the philology of the Romance languages. The sibilants s and s are colloquially pronounced h (as in several outer languages), especially in the north. Thus deh for des, a country; ha for s¢, what; ham a - javyo for sam a javyo, he explained. An original aspirate is, however, often dropped, as in 'd for ha, I; 'ate for /lathe, on the hand. Standard G. is at the same time fond of pronouncing an h where it is not written, as in ame, we, pronounced ahme. In other respects both G. and R. closely agree in their phonetical systems with the Apabhraih a form of Sauraseni Prakrit from which the Midland language is derived.
Gujarati agrees with Marathi (an outer language) as against Hindostani in retaining the neuter gender of Sanskrit and Prakrit. Moreover, the neuter gender is often employed to indicate living beings of which the sex is uncertain, as in the case of dik a rd, a child, compared with dik a ro, a son, and dik a ri, a daughter. In R. there are only sporadic instances of the neuter, which grow more and more rare as we approach the Midland. Nouns in both G. and R. may be weak or strong as is fully explained in the article Hindostani. We have there seen that the strong form of masculine nouns in Western Hindi generally ends in au, the a of words like the Hindostani ghoya, a horse, being an accident due to the fact that the Hindostani dialect of Western Hindi borrows this termination from Panjabi. G. and R. follow Western Hindi, for their masculine strong forms end in o. Feminine strong forms end in i as elsewhere. Neuter strong forms in G. end in a, derived as follows: Skr, svarnakam, Ap. sonnau, G. san g , gold. As an example of the three genders of the same word we may take G. chok a ro (masc.), a boy; chok a ri (fern.), a girl; chok a rd (neut.), a child. Long forms corresponding to the Eastern Hindi ghorwa, a horse, are not much used, but we not infrequently meet another long form made by suffixing the pleonastic termination do or ro (fem. di or 5; G. neut. cia or Via) which is directly descended from the Ap. pleonastic termination dad, (Ica, dad. We come across this most often in R., where it is used contemptuously, as in Turuk-I:5, a Turk.
In the article Hindostani it is shown that all the oblique cases of each number in Sanskrit and Prakrit became melted down in the modern languages into one general oblique case, which, in the Midland, is derived in the singular from the Ap. termination-hi or -hi, and that even this has survived only in the case of strong masculine nouns; thus, ghora, obl. ghare. In G. and R. this same termination has also survived, but for all nouns as the case sign of the agent and locative cases. The general oblique case is the same as the nominative, except in the case of strong masculine and neuter nouns in o and d respectively, where it ends in a, not e. This a-termination is characteristic of the outer band of languages, and is one of the survivals already referred to. It is derived from the Apabhrarim§a genitive form in -aha, corresponding to the Magadhi Pr. (an outer Prakrit) termination -a ha. Thus, G. chok a ro, a son; chok a rd, a child; obl. sing. chokaro. In G. the nominative and oblique plural for all nouns are formed by adding o to the oblique form singular, but in the neuter strong forms the oblique singular is nasalized. The real plural is the same in form as the oblique singular in the case of masculines, and as a nasalized oblique singular in the case of neuter strong forms, as in other modern Indo-Aryan vernaculars, and the added o is a further plural termination (making a double plural, exactly as it does in the Ardhamagadhi Prakrit putta-a, sons) which is often dropped. The nasalization of the strong neuter plurals is inherited from Ap., in which the neuter nom. plural of such nouns ended in -aai In R. the nominative plural of masculine nouns is the same in form as the oblique case singular, and the oblique plural ends in J. The feminine has a both in the nominative and in the oblique plural. These are all explained in the article Hindostani. We thus get the following paradigms of the declension of nouns.
nai, rai, kai
The general oblique case can be employed for any case except the nominative, but, in order to define the meaning, it is customary to add postpositions as in Hindostani. These are: The suffix no of the genitive is believed to be a contraction of tano, which is found in old Gujarati poetry, and which, under the form tanas in Sanskrit and tanaii in Apabhramsa, mean "belonging to." It is an adjective, and agrees in gender, number and case with the thing possessed. Thus, raja-no dik a ro, the king's son; raja-ni dik a ri, the king's daughter; raja-nd ghar, the king's house; raja-na dik a ro-ne, to the king's son (na is in the oblique case masculine to agree with dik a ro); raja-7/e ghare, in the king's house. The ro and lea of R. are similarly treated, but, of course, have no neuter. The dative postpositions are simply locatives of the genitive ones, as in all modern Indo-Aryan languages (see Hindostani). Thi, the postposition of the G. ablative, is connected with thaw¢, to be, one of the verbs substantive in that language. The ablative suffix is made in this way in many modern Indo-Aryan languages (e.g. Bengali, q.v.). It means literally "having been" and is to be ultimately referred to the Sanskrit root, stha, stand. The derivation of the other postpositions is discussed in the article Hindostani.
Strong adjectives agree with the nouns they qualify in gender, number and case, as in the examples of the genitive above. Weak adjectives are immutable.
Strong Noun Masc.-
"A horse." Sing. Nom.
AZ de, ghodae
Strong Noun Neut.-
"Gold." Sing. Nom.
Strong Noun Fem.-
"A mare." Sing. Nom.
Weak Noun Masc. or Neut.-
"A house." Sing. Nom.
Weak Noun Fern.-
"A word." Sing. Nom.
hic, mhu, mai
mai, mahu, majjhu
ma, mha, mu
t ai, tuha, tujjhu
ta, tha, tic
THIS, HE Nom.
(?) ehaha, imaha
THESE, THEY Nom.
Pronouns closely agree with those found in Hindostani In the table on following page we give the first two personal pronouns, and the demonstrative pronoun "this." Similarly are formed the remaining pronouns, viz. G. a, R. a, he, that; G. te, R. so (obl. sing. ti), that; G. je, R. jo, who; G. kdn (obl. kdn, lea, or ke), R. kun (obl. kun), who?; G. sd, R. kdi, what ?; G.,R. koi, anyone, someone, kai anything, something. G. has two other demonstratives, pelo and olyo, both meaning "that." The derivation of these and of ša has been discussed without any decisive result. The rest are explained in the article Hindostani. The reflexive pronoun is G. apane, R. apa. It is general y employed as a plural of the first personal pronoun including the person addressed; thus G. ap a ne, we (including you), but ame, we (excluding you). In G. pote, obl. pota, is used to mean "self." Conjugation. - The old present has survived as in Hindostani and other Indian languages. Taking the base call or cal, go, as our model, we have: The derivation of the G. 1 plural is unknown. That of the other G. and R. forms is manifest. The imperative closely follows this, but as usual has no termination in the second person singular.
Pres. Part. Active .
Past. Part. Passive
Future Part. Passive .
In R. the future may be formed by adding go (cf. Hindostani get), lo, or la to the old present. Thus, calu-0, calac-lo or calk-la I shall go. The go and lo agree in gender and number with the subject, but la is immutable. The termination with 1 is also found in Bhojpuri (see Bihari), in Marathi and in Nepali. For go see Hindostani. Another form of the future has s or h for its characteristic letter, and is the only one employed in G. Thus, Ap. callisaft or callihaft, G. calas, R. (Jaipuri) cal a syu, (Marwari) cal l hu. The other personal terminations differ considerably from those of the old present, and closely follow Ap. Thus, Ap. 3 sing. callisai or callihi, G. calase, Marwari calahi. The participles and infinitive are as follows: In G. the infinitive is simply the neuter of the future passive participle. The participles are employed to form finite tenses; thus G. hft cal a to, I used to go; ha calyo, I went. If the verb is transitive (see Hindostani) the passive meaning of the past participle comes into force. The subject is put into the case of the agent, and the participle inflects to agree with the object, or, if there is no object, is employed impersonally in the neuter (in G.) or in the masculine (in R.). In Hindostani, if the object is expressed in the dative, the participle is also employed impersonally, in the masculine; thus raja-ne sherni-ko mara [masc., not mari, (fem.], by-the-king, with reference-to-the-tigress, it-(impersonal)-was-killed, i.e. the king killed the tigress. But in G. and R., even if the object is in the dative, the past participle agrees with it; thus, G. rajae waghan-ne mari, by-the-king, with-reference-to-the-tigress, she-was-killed. Other examples from G. of this passive construction are me kahyii, by me it was said, I said; tene ciithi lakhi, by him a letter was written, he wrote a letter; e baie vag a da-met, dahada kadya, by this lady, in the wilderness, days were passed, i.e. she passed her days in the wilderness; rajae vicaryft, the king considered. The idiom of R. is exactly the same in these cases, except that the masculine must be used where G. has the neuter; thus, rajaai vicaryo. The future passive participle is construed in much the same way, but (as in Latin) the subject may be put into the dative. Thus, mare a cap a di veic a vi, mihi ille liber (est) legendus, I must read that book, but also tene (agent case) e kam kar a vu, by him this business is to be done.
G. also forms a past participle in elo (calelo), which is one of the many survivals of the outer language. This -1- participle is typical of most of the languages of the outer band, including Marathi, Oriya, Bengali, Bihari and Assamese. It is formed by the addition of the Prakrit pleonastic suffix -illa-, which was not used by the Prakrit of the Midland, but was common elsewhere. Compare, for instance, the Ardhamagadhi past participle passive an-illia-, brought. The usual verbs substantive are as follows: G. chft, R. hu or chu, I am, which are conjugated regularly as old presents, and G. halo, R. ho or cho, was, which is a past participle, like the Hindostani (q.v.) tha. Hic, hato and ho are explained in the article on that language. Chii is for Skr. rcchami, Ap. acchail. The use of this base is one of the outer band survivals. Even in Prakrit, it is not found (so far as the present writer is aware) in the Sauraseni of the Midland. Using these as auxiliaries the finite verb makes a whole series of periphrastic tenses. A present definite is formed by conjugating the old present tense (not the present participle) with the present tense of the verb substantive. Thus, G. calii chit', I am going. A similar idiom is found in some Western Hindi dialects, but Hindostani employs the present participle; thus, calta hit In G. and R., however, the imperfect is formed with the present participle as in H. Thus, G. hit cal a to hato, I was going. So, as in H., we have a perfect hft calyo (or calelo) chit- , I have gone, and a pluperfect hft calyo (or calelo) hato, I had gone. The R. periphrastic tenses are made on the same principles. With the genitive of the G. future passive participle, cal a va-no, we have a kind of gerundive, as in hit cal a vano chit-, I am to be gone, i.e. I am about to go; hft cal a vano halo, I was about to go. The same series of derivative verbs occurs in G. and R. as in H. Thus, we have a potential passive (a simple passive in G.) formed by adding a to the base, as in G. lakh a vft, to write, lakhavu, to be written; and a causal b y adding as or Cub as in lakhav a vu, to cause to write; bes a vu, to sit, besad a vft, to seat. A new passive may be formed in G. from the causal, as in tap a vft, to be hot; tapav a vu, to cause to be hot; to heat; tapavavu, to be heated.
Several verbs have irregular past participles. These must be learnt from the grammars. So also the numerous compound verbs, such as (G.) call sak a vft, to be able to go; call, cuk a vil, to have completed going; calya kar a vu, to be in the habit of going, and so on.
Very little is known about the literature of Rajputana, except that it is of large extent. It includes a number of bardic chronicles of which only one has been partially edited, but the contents of which have been described by Tod in his admired* Rajasthan. It also includes a considerable religious literature, but the whole mass of this is still in MS. From those specimens which the present writer has examined, it would appear that most of the authors wrote in Braj Bhasha, the Hindu literary dialect of Hindostani (q.v.) In Marwar it is an acknowledged fact that the literature falls into two branches, one called Fingal and couched in Braj Bhasha, and the other called Dingal and couched in Rajasthani. The most admired work in Dingal is the Raghunath Rupak written by Mansa Ram in the beginning of the Igth century. It is nominally a treatise on prosody, but, like many other works of the same kind, it contrives to pay a double debt, for the examples of the metres are so arranged as to form a complete epic poem celebrating the deeds of the hero Rama.
The earliest writer of importance in Gujarati, and its most admired poet, was Narsingh meta, who lived in the i sth century A.D. Before him there were writers on Sanskrit grammar, rhetoric and the like, who employed an old form of Gujarati for their explanations. Narsingh does not appear to have written any considerable work, his reputation depending on his short songs, many of which exhibit much felicity of diction. He had several successors, all admittedly his inferiors. Perhaps the most noteworthy of these was Rewa Sankar, the translator of the Mahabharata (see Sanskrit: Literature). A more important side of Gujarati literature is its bardic chronicles, the contents of which have been utilized by Forbes in his Reis Mad. Modern Gujarati literature mostly consists of translations or imitations of English works.
- Volume ix. of the Linguistic Survey of India contains a full and complete account of Gujarati and Rajasthani, including their various dialectic forms.
For Rajasthani, see S. H. Kellogg, Grammar of the Hindi Language (2nd ed., London, 1893). In this are described several dialects of Rajasthani. See also Ram Karn Sarma, Marwati Vyakarana (Jodhpur, 1901) (a Marwari grammar written in that language), and G. Macalister, Specimens of the Dialects spoken in the State of Jaipur (contains specimens, vocabularies and grammars) (Allahabad, 1898).
For Gujarati, there are numerous grammars, amongst which we may note W. St C. Tisdall, Simplified Grammar of the Gujarati Language (London, 1892) and (the most complete) G. P. Taylor, The Student's Gujarati Grammar (2nd ed., Bombay, 1908). As for dictionaries, the most authoritative is the Narma-kos of Narmada Sankar (Bhaunagar and Surat, 1873), in Gujarati throughout. For English readers we may mention Shahpurji Edalji's (2nd ed., Bombay, 1868), the introduction to which contains an account of Gujarati literature by J. Glasgow, Belsare's (Ahmedabad, 1895), and Karbhari's (Ahmedabad, 1899). (G. A. GR.)
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